An Outline of the Hong Kong Autonomy Movement

香港的城邦自治地位,來自英國統治香港的一百五十餘年歷史,令香港與中國大陸有所區隔,避開歷次革命及時局動盪,令香港保存傳統中華文化及英國帶來的典章文明,
The autonomous city-state status of Hong Kong comes from Hong Kong’s history of British rule for more than 150 years, which enabled Hong Kong to isolate itself from the Chinese Mainland, to avoid revolutions and turmoil there, so that Hong Kong has preserved traditional Chines culture and British civilization and law.
一九九七年香港主權移交中共之後,香港依照《基本法》實施一國兩制。港人治港、高度自治的原則,其精神是傳承自英治時期的香港城邦性格,並非憑空創造。
After the sovereignty of Hong Kong was transferred to Communist China in 1997, “one country, two systems” has been implemented in Hong Kong in accordance with the Basic Law. The spirit of Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong and a high degree of autonomy is a continuation or heritage of the city-state characteristic of Hong Kong during British rule, rather than something out of the blue.
面對大陸龐大的人口與資金總量,假如香港不能採取有效的防護措施,則香港的城邦格局必會遭到滅絕,損害香港人利益,也間接令中國失去寶貴的制度參考及文化資源。
In the face of the enormous population and capital, if Hong Kong cannot adopt effective self-protective measures, its city-state setup will definitely be destroyed, which will also indirectly lead to China losing a valuable referential system and a cultural resource.
城邦性格可以確保公共政策具備本土意識
Maintenance and development of the city-state setup of Hong Kong will ensure that its public policies have local awareness.
香港必須展開城邦自治運動:香港城邦自治運動是根據一國兩制觀念和香港《基本法》憲政秩序的本土意識促進運動,敦促香港政府在制定各種公共政策和特別行政措施的時候(例如限制大陸孕婦來港產子),必須優先顧及香港人,以本土利益為本,在與中央或其他地方政府交涉時,維護香港本土利益,並向香港人負責。
Hong Kong has to start the City-State Autonomy Movement. The Hong Kong Autonomy Movement (abbrev. HKAM) is a local awareness promotion movement based on the constitutional order laid down by the Hong Kong Basic Law. It urges the Hong Kong Government to give priority to Hong Kong people and local interests when stipulating public policies and special administrative measures (such as imposing restrictions on Mainland pregnant women coming to Hong Kong for giving birth). When the Hong Kong Government negotiates with the Central Government or other regional governments, it is also supposed to protect the local interests of Hong Kong and to answer to Hong Kong people.
香港在英治時期的一百五十年基礎,是一國兩制、港人治港的預備。故此,我們用龍獅香港旗為自治運動的徽號,因為我們強調的是香港城邦的歷史連續性與文化主體性。
The 150 years’ foundation of Hong Kong as laid down under British rule was the preparation for “one country, two systems” and Hong Kong people ruling Hong Kong. So the Dragon-Lion emblem of Hong Kong is adopted as the symbol and sign of The Hong Kong Autonomy Movement because it stresses the historical continuity and cultural subjectivity of Hong Kong as a city-state.
在《基本法》實施的五十年之內,假若香港要進一步超越一國兩制的憲政安排,必須得到中華人民共和國的授權。《基本法》實施五十年之後,香港的憲政地位,亦必須繼承類似目前香港的城邦格局,使得目前的一國兩制在實施的時候有合理的期待。
The vision of the city-state autonomy is as follows. During the 50 years of implementation of the Basic Law, any constitutional arrangement of Hong Kong beyond “one country, two systems” has to be authorized by the People’s Republic of China. When the Basic Law has been implemented for 50 years, the constitutional status of Hong Kong will also have to inherit something like the city-state status quo of Hong Kong, so that there will be reasonable expectations when the “one country, two systems” is being implemented.
萬一中共轉型或中華人民共和國解體,自治運動的同仁將敦促香港政府代表香港人與新的中國政府交涉,維護香港本土利益,不致被新的中國政府蠶食。
In case of transformation of the Communist Party of China or disintegration of the People’s Republic of China, supporters of The Autonomy Movement will urge the Hong Kong Government to negotiate with the new China regime on behalf of the people of Hong Kong, so that Hong Kong’s local interests will be protected and it will not be devoured by the new Chinese Government.
香港自治運動只是促進一國兩制、高度自治的公民運動,並不是鼓吹分裂國土的獨立運動。
The Hong Kong Autonomy Movement is a civic movement promoting one country, two systems and a high degree of autonomy rather than an independence movement advocating secession.
香港自治運動的政策主張如下:
The public policies advocated by HKAM are as follows:
堅持《基本法》的「港人治港,高度自治」的治港宗旨,並以此向北京中央政府明確區隔彼此的政治權力,在政府之間互不干涉內政,井水河水互不侵犯。在涉及內地的事務上,港府必須充分諮詢香港民意及議會,保護本土利益。To persist in the principle of “one country, two systems” as laid down in the Basic Law, and based on this, to make it clear to the Central Government in Beijing the demarcation between the political powers of the two governments so that the two governments will not interfere with the internal affairs of each other, that well water and river water will not intrude into each other. Regarding affairs that involve the Mainland, the Hong Kong Government must fully consult Hong Kong public opinion and protect local interests.
爭取行政長官與立法會雙普選,使港府有充分的民意基礎。To struggle for universal suffrage for election of the Chief Executive as well of the Legco members so that the Hong Kong Government will have adequate public support.
要求港府制定公共政策時,具備本土意識,以港人利益為重。例如在中港兩地的地域規劃、跨境基建安排時,考慮本土利益及城邦地理格局。To demand the Hong Kong Government to have local awareness and give priority to the interest of Hong Kong people when formulating public policies, for example, to consider local interests and the geographical setup of Hong Kong as a city-state in territorial planning and cross-border infrastructure building involving Hong Kong and China.
制定移民政策,收回內地移民的審批權,並採取措施限制大陸孕婦來港產子籍此取得居留身份。在接納新移民的時候,給予自願的文化上的入籍歸化程序及宣誓儀式。To draw up the immigration policies of taking back the power of examining and approving immigration applications from the Mainland and of taking measures to restrict Mainland pregnant women’s coming to Hong Kong for giving birth. To administer voluntary cultural naturalization procedures and oath taking for new immigrants.
制定符合香港城邦格局的文化政策及教育政策。例如在中小學校推廣普通話課程的時候,保護以粵語教中文的一貫做法,並發展一套適合香港的公民教育及國民教育。To lay down cultural and education policies that fit in with the city-state setup of Hong Kong, for example, protecting the traditional practice of teaching Chinese in Cantonese when promoting the Putonghua course in primary and secondary schools, and developing a set of civic education and national education curricula suitable for Hong Kong.
制定長遠的房屋策略,保障香港人的居住權,並將本土人的地產與外來投資者的地產區隔開來,使本港居民安居樂業。To lay down long-term housing strategies in order to protect the housing right of Hong Kong people and to separate the real estate for Hong Kong people from the real estate district for external investors so that Hong Kong residents can live and work in peace. 考慮實行保障民生及公平交易的土地法例,如向土地囤積及物業空置者徵稅、保障原租者的續租優惠等。To consider implementing land regulations that protect the citizens’ livelihood and ensure fair dealings, such as collecting land hoarding and vacant property taxes.
重整香港城邦的整體性和主體性,促進香港食水自主、農產自保及食物安全,重振本港工業,保護本土企業(如中小企),並支持發展新產業。(註:所謂農產自保,是保存若干本土農業為農學知識基礎,並擴大香港的農產輸入來源的多元性)To reorganize the integrity and subjectivity of the city-state of Hong Kong; to promote drinking water self-sufficiency, agricultural preservation and food safety of Hong Kong; to resuscitate local industries, to protect local enterprises, especially small and medium sized ones, and to support the development of new industries.

Hong Kong City-State Autonomy Movement(Facebook:HKAM Group)
26 June 2011

Source: https://www.facebook.com/note.php?created&&note_id=10150239626374471

Facebook Group: https://www.facebook.com/pages/%E9%A6%99%E6%B8%AF%E8%87%AA%E6%B2%BB%E9%81%8B%E5%8B%95-%E9%BE%8D%E7%8D%85%E9%A6%99%E6%B8%AF%E6%97%97/118166011600204

我們要吃飯

20 February 2011

我們要吃飯
我們要工作
我們要住房
我們要公平
我們要公義

保障私有產權
維護司法獨立
啟動政治改革
結束一黨專政

開放報禁
新聞自由
自由萬歲
民主萬歲

時間:2011年2月20日下午2時

地點:

北京 王府井麥當勞門前
上海 人民廣場和平影都門前
天津 鼓樓下
南京 鼓樓廣場秀水街百貨門口
西安 北大街家樂福門口
成都 天府廣場毛主席像下
長沙 五一廣場新大新大廈門口
杭州 武林廣場杭州百貨大樓門口
廣州 人民公園星巴克門口
瀋陽 南京北街肯德基門口
長春 文化廣場西民主大街快樂購超市門口
哈爾濱 哈爾濱電影院門口
武漢 解放大道世貿廣場麥當勞門口

Wan Chin (陳雲):

“我對「環珠江口宜居灣區、建設重點行動計劃」的評論:此乃毀滅香港城邦生態的外科手術式屠殺行動。香港邊境的綠帶和郊野,保護香港的生態完整和農業生產,是香港自主城邦的綠色長城。此計劃是用外科手術,將保護帶切除,毀滅香港的城邦性格,使得香港成為廣東省境內的商業區。
使乜撚長篇大論,一句講撚完!”

Facebook: http://www.facebook.com/profile.php?id=589657224

尹光 – 一個黐膠線的少年

有個少男,佢忠心可靠,
誠實謙虛,心地好,
人又有禮,品性敦厚,
咁好青年,極少有。

佢叫志華,係膠廠工作,
成日一早返工廠,
勤力到痺,分秒工作,
縱使超時沒嗟嘆。

我要向上,我要發達,
看他每日爭取,
我要努力,我要發達,
社會進步多得佢。

看這少年,得廠長稱讚,
模範職工頂呱呱,
還重讚佢,黐膠線,
鐵打超人,技精讚。

看看志華,佢認真肯搏,
勤力天天黐膠花,
還重晚晚, 黐膠線,
每天超時,沒偷懶。

我要向上,我要發達,
看他每日爭取,
我要努力,我要發達,
社會進步多得佢。

update:

重播 : 喚樂起義文化及音樂會 http://zh-tw.justin.tv/hk5vote

喚樂起義文化音樂會

——————————————————————————————-

Published on: Mar 10, 2010 @ 2:11
Website:http://hkwakeuprising.blogspot.com/

Twitter: @hkwakeuprising


我對香港說 0002
2010年3月9日星期二 上午9:24 by 喚樂起義活動籌委 0 意見
星屑醫生(http://AJ.HK 主持): 我想所有人講真心話, 做個真心人

我對香港說 0001
上午4:00 by 喚樂起義活動籌委 0 意見

馬草泥(AJ.HK-城市再市論壇主持): 希望香港盡快有真普選,仲好似7﹣ELEVEN一樣「年中無休」

Calvin 說《321 喚樂。起義文化及音樂會》理念
2010年3月7日星期日 上午6:21 by 喚樂起義活動籌委 0 意見
過去了的2009年
或許我存在感太大。。。
或許理想可以大得想改變世界拯救地球。。。
或許理想只是小到想踏上相信的路。。。

過去的人活在貧脊的土地,
人們要各自努力。

現在的人活在富裕的土地,
要在玻璃箱中受規劃成長是多麼美好!

停!

現在真的要這麼多美輪美奐的玻璃箱嗎?

青衣,葵芳,荃灣,尖沙咀,旺角,九龍灣,銅鑼灣我隨時也可買到各大名牌的產品,不用舟車勞頓就得到生活所需。

我們的「理想」人生都是努力「學習」到大學選工商管理系,然後找一份投資銀行或政府的工作,「專心」工作,利用投資獲取第一桶金,再買樓放租,生活無憂安享晚年,就可實現保險廣告中的美滿人生,阿門。

讓我們合力建設這和諧都市,阿門。

這個社會每間大學只開辦工商管理系, 創造多點銀行及政府職位就可以解決到青年人社會問題吧。將社會單一化,就能解決全香港的問題。

回頭一看,
理想是不是你所想的?

學習的本身是不是為了考試的?

專心工作是不是埋頭苦幹不問世事?

現在是資訊愈來愈多的時候,為何生活會愈來愈單調,愈來愈空虛。
單一發展的確具效率,但人類文明就只有經濟發展的單一方向嗎?為了賺快錢就可以剷走多元發展?就是因為社會的進步,我們應更具能力發展多元社會。香港已成為智識型社會,各人也有其專業技能,為何仍是以舊行業作主導?

多元社會就好像現在的網上世界,各人可以發佈自己的意念,可以參與自己喜歡的活動。

同樣是商場文化,如果在葵芳逛街,我喜歡去「葵涌廣場」多於「新都會廣場」,只因她商品比較多元化。

但為何現實社會反而更退步呢?大商場文化,單一行業發展。

我們舉行「321喚樂。起義 文化及音樂會」目的就是利用多元的藝術文化及音樂活動,讓青年人了解多元社會的重要性;明白單一社會的禍害, 喚醒他們知道民生與政策是息息相關 ,了解為何功能組別令社會發展方向為商家所傾斜,讓他們明白民主派一致地要廢除功能組別的原因,進一步明白新民主運動的意義。

議會(立法會)理應是代替市民發聲的地方,也是approve proposal的地方 (很決定性!)。
然而,議會裡面有一半的人(50%,很大的影響力!),不是由市民選出來的,代表的是商家和大財團。
他們,就是功能組別。
當政府提交 proposal時,他們當然不會公義得連對自身利益不利的都agree,甚至否決一切不利於己的建議。
在這種極不公平的情況下,小市民的聲音,小市民的夢想,便永無天日的被金錢利益掩沒了。

因此,我說政治和生活真是不可分割,夢與想也一樣!
今天就來個快樂起義,喚醒港人。

3月21日 一起喚樂起義!

321喚樂。起義文化及音樂會
日期: 2010年03月21日
時間: 13:00 – 18:00
地點: 荃灣福來村

plasticHK: 紅隧塞車之真心難求

明報: 好報﹕地區小好報﹕禁語辦成立 「喜二」「工頭」禁用‎ http://news.mingpao.com/20100131/vzd4.htm
Mingpao: Ministry of Truth established. “Hay Yee” and “Gung Tou” forbidden.

共港以「煽動社會」為由,禁止商業登記:

喜二燒味 Hay Yee Barbecue Restaurant
工頭五金 Gong Tou “Foreman” Hardware Store

下一步:文字獄

It was reported that the Business Registration Office has forbidden small businesses, on grounds of “fanning social disorder 煽動社會”, from registering completely innocent and legitimate names: “工頭” (foreman, sounding like “referendum” in chinese, for a hardware store), and “喜二” (“Joy” the second, sounding like “uprising” in chinese, the name of the deceased wife of the barbecue restaurant chef). Do they think they can get away with this kind of oppression?

Concerning the TVB News magazine programme on 2010-1-28,

新聞透視 2010-01-28 – 客從何處來? http://mytv.tvb.com/news/newsmagazine/104278#page-1

A transport department bloke maintained in the programme that the emphasis is the trend, and they did well on that, but even with that granted:

1. We all know that there is inflation. That’s a trend. That doesn’t help us very much in making our investment decisions. We need more specific numbers.
2. Why do all estimates of major (and ministers’ “pet”) projects turned out to be exaggerated by a factor of 2 or 3? Either there is a systemic error to be explained – or the programme had a bias.

Now let’s consider the following comment from an “insider”:

“wchan_9910” commented on TVB News Magazine at 2010.01.28 (四) 07:04AM:

I am a transport planner who actually work on patronage forecast / traffic forecast of some infrastructure. Forecast are done based on a series of assumptions, like economic growth, population growth, vehicle ownership, etc.. However, there is some implicit assumptions which do change over years but is assumed not to change over time, like unemployment rate by age group, work force ratio, no. of student left school by age group, retirement age, etc..

I worked in HK, UK, Europe and China. I do find the quality of HK professional is not bad at all. In some case, the work of HK professional has been made referenced by oversea player. Like travel characteristic survey which has been made referenced by at least chinese, singaporian. UK professional also adopt the methodology used by HK professional in their airport expansion projects in London in which I worked on! These methodologies has been regarded as a good way to do things in UK, albeit only on a few elements.

Now, If the forecasting work is indeed “good”, there should be overestimates and underestimates.

My question remains: Why did all the forecasts for the “major” and controversial transportation projects shown on the programme turn out to be overestimates?

http://2008melamine.blogspot.com/2010/01/blog-post_27.html

From
「五區公投」在中國遍地開花
http://www.tianya.cn/publicforum/content/news/1/156271.shtml

The chinese communist party cannot do better than this – a massive advertisement for the Hong Kong Referendum and the Chinese Democracy Movement, and paving the way to its own eventual end.

Further Reading
Lam Kay: Hong Kong Referendum FAQ : http://plastichk.blogspot.com/2009/11/faq.html

continued from my previous post
反高鐵示威者行為過激? Are the hk high speed rail protesters extremists? Are they over-reacting?

As we have discussed before in the above post, the Stop-The-Rail Movement (“The Movement”) v. HKSAR is an asymmetric conflict, in which HKSAR has an overwhelmingly superior advantage. They control the police, the media, and have the initiative as the incumbant. Crucially, they are the enforcer of the law and they have the least to worry worry about being arrested and prosecuted.

Knowing they cannot wrestle control from HKSAR, The Movement has focused on two objectives
1. Attracting more supporters and
2. galvanising the existing ones

For each of the above, actions are needed, but the key question is “how much action”.

The 16 January Siege, in which officials of HKSAR as well as legislators in the SAR-Loyalist camp were trapped inside Legco for 6 hours, is a minimal show-of-force, as if to tell public, “We can make a difference.”

In order to maintain the siege, the Protesters, at times, when the Police tried to barracade them in, had to breach the Police line, and else they would risk being cut off, and the siege would have failed right then. [For a detailed analysis, visit the HK-golden forum]

Note that it was the police, representing HKSAR, who escalated the conflict in the first place, and the protesters used the minimal escalation tool, or course of action, in their arsenal (compare the example in my prior post).

There will always be debate on this, but judging by the split media and public opinion, it was probably “about right”. Notably,
1. The protesters siezed metal barracades (actions) but didn’t attack the policemen. They stayed within the law and nobody was arrested.
2. On the contrary, the police released pepper-sprays without prior warning, in order to divert attention and escort the officials and loyalists out of the Legco building into the J2-exit of the MTR Central Station. That is in clear breach of the operation protocol.

And crucially,
3. Everbody went home safe.

So, the answer to the question in the title is No, and 1-0 to the Movement.

References

1. HKgolden forum: http://forum6.hkgolden.com/view.aspx?message=2092082&page=1&highlight_id=0

2.http://daisann.com/2010/01/17/siege-of-legco.aspx

And what action. When I saw these guys rush to grab the equipment of the”enemy” and use it against them, I felt the same rush that I do when watching, say, Ronaldinho play for Brasil. This is team politics, and the cheeky, confident and plugged in demonstrators of the baat sap hau play–with apologies to la liga argentina– a “beautiful game”.

– the siego of legco in the eyes of Daisann, a Gwai-Lo in Hong Kong

3。 [信報-羅耕] 政府目中無人 http://forum5.hkgolden.com/view.aspx?type=BW&message=2097291
shortlink: http://ls.gd/207

repost
http://fongyun.xanga.com/720338005/item/
Caution: I have followed the original as closely as possible. One may find Chinese grammar in the English text
Donald Tsang:
Concerning the opinions expressed on the funding of the HK High Speed Rail project, the vast majority of citizens, workers, farmers, intellectuals, people from all trades and young students, have expressed [SIC] their own opinions in various means, and expressed their wish to covert money into power, to contribute towards linking up with Vaterland and reviving the economy. During such activities, unusual circumstances appeared as well. An extreme minority used the situations to create rumours, and pointedly attacked HKSAR and national leaders; they deceived the crowd into charging Zhung-Hwan, where HKSAR-central, Legislative Council are located; some even cried out Down with the loyalists, and serious incidents of criminals beating, smashing, robbing and burning happened on the roads.

就高鐵方案撥款表達意見的活動中,廣大香港市民、工人、農民、知識分子、各界人士和青年學生,以各種形式表達自己的意見,並表示要化金錢為力量,為連接祖國、振興經濟、貢獻力量。在活動期間,也出現了一些不正常情況。極少數人借機會製造謠言,指名攻擊港和國家領導人;蠱惑群眾衝擊港中央、立法會所在地中環;甚至還有人喊出了打倒保皇黨等反動口號,在馬路發生了一些不法分子打.砸,搶、燒的嚴重事件。

https://i2.wp.com/www.naitik.net/blog/wp-content/photos/donaldtsang.jpg
People's Daily, 1989 '4-26' Editorial https://i1.wp.com/ngensis.com/june4/JUNE4-05.JPG

Bearing in mind the heartaches borne by the vast Crowd[sic], the People’s Government of HKSAR has taken a tolerant and restrained stance vis-a-vis certain inappropriate postulations and actions of the young students in their emotional states. Before the 16th [January] vote, the early arrivals at the Statue Square hasn’t been clear from the site as usual, but requested to respect the public order, to morn Vegetable Garden Village altogether. Due to the collaborative effort, the gathering was conducted smoothly in a solemn atmosphere.

考慮到廣大群眾的悲痛心情,對於青年學生感情激動時某些不妥當的言行,港和政府採取了容忍和克制態度。在16日立法會表決前,對於先期到達皇后像廣場的一些學生並沒有按照慣例清場,而是要求他們遵守紀律,共同追悼菜園村。由於大家的共同努力,保證了大會在莊嚴肅穆的氣氛中順利進行。

However,…

但是,…

香港民運

16 January 2010

http://www.legco.gov.hk/yr09-10/chinese/fc/fc/results/1001151.pdf

特區政府靠立法局中自己友護航,夾硬通過天價撥款起低速高鐵線,激發民運。

運輸司鄭汝樺同一啲議員,好似劉江華咁,仲未走,市民坐係立法局外同德輔道中一帶圍實,要求佢地對話。

到最後警察發難,推開圍堵立法會嘅示威者,遁入中環地鐵J2入口,坐一站去金鐘轉車鬆人。http://www.facebook.com/video/video.php?v=424238585601&ref=nfhttp://plastichk.blogspot.com/2010/01/blog-post_4501.html

Legco Finance Committee Voting records on HK high speed rail

updates:

香港獨立媒體Inmedia
Twitter live http://twitter.com/#search?q=%23stopxrl

SAR 出到熄燈停Camera呢下賤招,第日記住帶電筒。

Further Reading

http://www.alexhoffordphotography.com/

http://martinoei.wordpress.com/2010/01/16/%E9%84%AD%E6%B1%9D%E6%A8%BA%E6%9C%89%E7%84%A1%E6%89%93%E7%AE%97%E5%89%96%E8%85%B9%E8%87%AA%E7%9B%A1%E5%92%81%EF%BC%9F/

http://martinoei.wordpress.com/2010/01/16/%E5%A4%A7%E6%88%B0%E7%88%86%E7%99%BC/

http://martinoei.wordpress.com/2010/01/16/%E9%97%9C%E9%8D%B5%E5%85%A9%E5%B0%8F%E6%99%82/

http://martinoei.wordpress.com/2010/01/15/%E9%A6%99%E6%B8%AF%E9%96%83%E9%9B%BB%E6%88%B0%EF%BC%81/

http://martinoei.wordpress.com/2010/01/15/%E5%8F%8D%E9%AB%98%E9%90%B5%E7%BE%A4%E7%9C%BE%E9%80%B2%E8%BB%8D%E7%A6%AE%E8%B3%93%E5%BA%9C%EF%BC%81/

http://martinoei.wordpress.com/2010/01/15/%E9%AB%98%E9%90%B5%E5%94%94%E9%A7%9B%E9%80%9F%E5%BA%A6%EF%BC%8C%E6%88%91%E8%B5%B7%E5%9A%9F%E5%81%9A%E4%B9%9C%EF%BC%9F/

http://plastichk.blogspot.com/2010/01/blog-post_16.html,

See also: 立法局包圍戰之
[反高鐵] 點解我地要突破警方防線 (附圖解釋)

When you have an asymmetric conflict like the StopXRL movement, do drastic measures from the weaker side always equal irrational over-reactions? 喺反高鐵呢種唔對稱嘅對抗中,強硬行動係唔係一定過激?

Imagine two antagonists (or countries). Let’s call them Sam and Joe. Sam is rich and have a lot of weapons available, but Joe is strong. They are in a dispute over something and their conflict is escalating.

Consider their weapons:

Sam: fist, handknife, handgun, M-16, M1A1 tank, Apache helicopter, F-15 fighter, F-22 fighter, Satellite Laser system

Joe: fist, handknife, AK47, Mig 31 fighter jet, Satellite Laser system

As their conflict escalate, they would pull out bigger and more powerful weapons from their war chest. Now, as Joe is stronger, Sam loses out in the fist fight, and pulls out a handgun. Joe has no choice but to get his AK47. Sam pulls out his M-16, but as he is not as good a marksman, he called in an M1A1. Joe had no choice but to call in his Mig 31 fighter jet. The conflict escalates into a space war.

Now let’s put ourselves in Joe’s shoes. Was he irrational or “over-reacting”? No. He just made use of his limited resources as well as he could. The problem is that Sam was in a much convenient position to escalate a conflict, and in each escalation he chose to put Joe in an uncomfortable position.

Now, ladies and gentlemen, what choices did the governement or the police give the protesters? We tried sit-ins and conflict-free demonstrations. The government simply ignored us. When we want dialogues, what did they give us? Has the Hong Kong SARS actually tried to act like a government for the people of the people, even if it is not by the people? 當喺中聯辦綁條絲帶都會被人剪傷手, 你仲想同佢和諧落去?

Don’t take things on their face values. There are often reasons, even logical ones, behind conflict escalations.

Further Reading:
王岸然:從反高鐵到擲胸圍皆八十後 http://www.hkej.com/template/blog/php/blog_details.php?blog_posts_id=43269

Conflict Escalation: theory
http://www.mediate.com/articles/jordan.cfm
Brinkmanship
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chicken_%28game%29

http://www.beyondintractability.org/essay/escalation/
Constructive Escalation
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/War_of_attrition_%28game%29
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Category:Conflict_process
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Conflict_resolution

About hkXRL and Mai Po
高鐵工程或令米埔水位降 http://hk.news.yahoo.com/article/090802/4/di3l.html

http://www.hkej.com/template/forum/php/forum_details.php?blog_posts_id=43254

《信報》:公民黨及社民連將於下周舉行記者會,公布五區公投運動辭職名單及二十七日千人造勢大會詳情。

多位行政會議成員昨天對變相公投大潑冷水,曾為民主派成員的張炳良更批評公投不能解決政制問題。不過,民主黨創黨主席李柱銘已構思以非政黨形式支持變相公投運動,他強調,必須令市民明白,今次是為民主而投票。

據了解,兩黨組成的聯合委員會,下周會舉行記者會,屆時召集人余若薇將公布辭職名單,以及二十七日千人造勢大會的細節。委員會兩位副發言人社民連陶君行及公民黨陳家洛昨早出席電台節目時亦暗示,辭職名單已呼之欲出,只是首階段擬先集中在變相公投議題。

換言之,社民連三子——主席黃毓民(九西區)、梁國雄(新東區)及陳偉業(新西區)將全部辭職,餘下的九龍東及港島區,分別由公民黨副主席梁家傑及陳淑莊負責。陳家洛透露,造勢晚會當晚,會一併公布如果補選投票率不足五成,兩黨對政改的投票取態。
(節錄)

BBC News: “Google ‘may pull out of China after Gmail cyber attack’ ”

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/8455712.stm

Google at blogspot: http://googleblog.blogspot.com/2010/01/new-approach-to-china.html

高鐵計算機 http://www.hkej.com/template/blog/php/blog_details.php?blog_posts_id=43230

http://www.hkej.com/template/forum/php/forum_details.php?blog_posts_id=43262#msg_455596

鄭汝樺:高鐵已討論十年別再拖
運輸及房屋局局長鄭汝樺今早在港台節目表示,高鐵問題已在立法會財委會討論了20小時,本周又會再討論10小時,希望議員討責任的進行投票。她強調,十年來多次討論過高鐵問題及走線,例如06年在立法會論證提出高鐵是否使用專用通道等等。她指出,政府一直按行之有效的程序做諮詢,只是今次引發更多經濟發展及保育的爭議。
虞瑋倩: 我也經常往返內地﹐高鐵也唔算方便﹐例如佛山﹑江門﹑韶關﹑順德都已經到唔到﹐一樣要接駁﹐而且高鐵除了設計選址受到質疑﹐最大問題係政府那種蝦得就蝦﹑ 瞞得就瞞﹑點問都唔透露資料﹑最後一分鐘話669億﹑討論十年﹐當全世界傻瓜。大部份大角咀居民沒有受到諮詢,上兩次的諮詢會都只是得十多人參與 — 而且兒戲到係響餐廳咨詢﹐而不是攪公開咨詢會。而所謂公開咨詢會根本就沒有足夠宣傳﹐做了也沒有多少人知道﹐擺明係當循例做下樣而不是認真﹐同當年皇后碼頭﹑天星一樣﹐按照程序要求“有做”就算﹐而不是真正達到公眾參與﹑公眾得到咨詢的目的。「流動檢」在每日對開100班車﹐到底需要多少人呢﹖相信唔多人會考慮到。 1月13日 10:35

曾偉眠 【政府承擔669億的建築投資,令鐵路將來不必承擔利息開支】
那是代表香港損失669億的利息收入喔! 1月13日 10:45

深挖洞 曾偉眠兄:政府等於承認高鐵在商業上是蝕硬的,要它孭利息便必死,所以要納稅人打本。將來一定學內地及輕鐵,大砍其他交通,谷人乘高鐵,內地網民說得好:被高速了。 1月13日 10:56

Big Mac 高鐡從根本起已經有問題,很嚴重的問題,可能有人見到政府儲備多,睇唔過眼,諗個方法洗咗去,就搞個起豪板鐡路。要用一個天文數字買一個高速鐡路,但只能已低速行走,天大的笑話,你話背後不是有其他目的都不會有人信。 1月13日 11:47

李柱銘構思非政黨形式支持變相公投

王岸然:從反高鐵到擲胸圍皆八十後


2010年01月13日 00:01 王永平: 高鐵爭議帶出不少政治問題

高鐵撥款一再被財委會押後,突顯一個有關立法會運作的政治問題,就是政府和建制派一而再忽略財委會主席的重要性。我認為劉慧卿是個公正、稱職的主席。但在民主的國家如美國、英國,當權派不會讓反對派擔當議會內重要委員會主席的職位,以便確保可以在關鍵議題上控制程序。說到底,全世界的議會反對派都用「拉布」戰術。建制派放棄選舉主席在先,現在後悔太遲了。

曹仁超: 追落後 逐隻捉

January 6, 2010
Asian Computer Makers Move Into Riskier Ventures
By ASHLEE VANCE

SUNNYVALE, Calif. — For years, the process remained relatively static: PC makers like Hewlett-Packard and Apple, with well-staffed research labs and design departments, would dream up their next product and then hire a Chinese or Taiwanese fabricator to manufacture the largest number of units at the lowest possible cost.

But lately, this traditional division of labor has been upended. Many of those Asian companies have moved well beyond manufacturing to seize greater control over the look and feel of tomorrow’s personal computers, smartphones and even Web sites.

The investment arms of large Taiwanese and Chinese manufacturers have created an investment network in Silicon Valley operating under the radar that pumps money into a variety of chip, software and services companies to gain the latest technology. As a result, some Asian manufacturers have proved more willing than entrenched Silicon Valley venture capitalists to back some risky endeavors.

“In the past, the manufacturers would sneak around and get inside information on technology by investing in these companies,” said K. Bobby Chao, the managing partner at DFJ DragonFund China, a business that invests in technology companies in China and the United States. “Now, they’re more involved, more visible and charging after more complex maneuvers.”

As manufacturing of electronics in the United States began moving offshore decades ago, some feared the American economy would suffer. But the American companies, as well as economists and policy makers, said that as long as the high-value jobs like research and design remained in the United States, there was little danger.

Asian investments in Silicon Valley present some risks for America’s top technology companies, which could lose their connection to top innovations.

Asian manufacturers like Foxconn or Quanta, as a result, could wrestle away the edge in research and design.

“The manufacturers have gotten more competitive as it relates to innovation, and in some instances they’re already competing directly with their customers,” said Patrick Moorhead, a vice president at Advance Micro Devices, a major PC chip maker.

The investments by Asian companies have already started to pay off. At the Consumer Electronics Show this week in Las Vegas, people will see laptops that end sluggish start times and instead boot up instantly and TVs that do not require remotes because they can see the gestures of viewers. These features are a result of strategic investments in technology by Asian manufacturers. One Asian manufacturer turned investor is Quanta, based in Taiwan, which has long been one of the largest manufacturers of laptops and personal computers for major brands like H.P., Acer and Dell.

To keep those customers coming back, it needs unique product designs and technologies that give it an edge over competitors. Last October, Quanta invested $10 million into Tilera, a chip start-up based in San Jose, Calif., in the heart of Silicon Valley, that has designed a radical computer processor. Tilera is gambling that it can take business from the major chip makers like Intel and A.M.D.

Quanta also joined a group investing $16 million in Canesta, another chip maker based in Silicon Valley. When combined with a digital camera, Canesta’s products let computers, televisions and other devices view objects in three dimensions. That means that a person could move photos or documents around a PC’s desktop or change TV channels simply by waving a hand.

Elton Yang, a vice president at Quanta, said there was a high likelihood that the technology could make its way into laptops in 2010. Eventually all makers of personal computers will have a chance to buy Canesta’s technology, but Quanta’s investment gives it a temporary design lead.

“The PC companies are looking for a new future, and we want to attract them to our machines,” Mr. Yang said. Over the last 10 years, Canesta has made its pitch to more than 100 venture capitalists in Silicon Valley — only to be rejected time and again. James Spare, the chief executive of Canesta, praised the willingness of companies like Quanta to back risky start-ups needing many years to turn ideas into products.

“It’s no secret that these companies make most of the devices we use in our daily lives,” Mr. Spare said. “And they’re only becoming more and more influential when it comes to innovation and guiding technology choices.”

Foxconn, one of the largest electronics makers, has found technology investments, too. It has backed Innovation Works, an investment and incubation company started last year by the former president of Google’s Chinese operations, Kai-fu Lee.

With $115 million at its disposal, Innovation Works, based in Beijing, has pledged to “build dream teams to collect, analyze, prioritize and execute on the most promising ideas” in the Internet and mobile computing markets.

Ambitious Taiwanese manufacturers are now talking to influential component makers like Intel and A.M.D. to help shape what tomorrow’s chips and hard drives will do.

“They do have a much bigger voice in what companies are doing on the chip level than before,” said Mr. Moorhead. “We are interfacing more with them than we ever have.”

Some former manufacturers have already made the transition and are gaining global brand recognition. Acer and Asustek are Taiwan’s most prominent computer brands, but both companies were contract fabricators for major American companies. Some of their executives steeped in this manufacturing tradition now run the investment arms of the companies.

For example, the Silicon Valley start-up DeviceVM has developed software that lets computers boot up in about five seconds, rather than the minutes many computers can take to start. Both Asustek and Acer, through its investment arm called iD Innovation, have put money into DeviceVM, and the company’s software now appears on computers from a variety of makers including the world’s largest PC company, H.P.

The Asian companies often back projects that Silicon Valley’s financial heavyweights pass on because pay offs are too low and take too long. The Asian companies are “thinking that they didn’t get their fair share of the technology pie in the past,” Mr. Chao said. “Now they have money and will take the risks needed to build up new levels of expertise.”

For entrepreneurs in Silicon Valley, the money flowing from Taiwan and China represents a blessing.

“It’s great,” said Mr. Spare of Canesta, “to have another pool of money to go after.”

九廣高鐵成本效益

7 January 2010

http://relgitsjg.xanga.com/719567117/item/

http://is.gd/5PsLv

…….
http://fongyun.xanga.com/719609535/save-it/
http://is.gd/5Pt05

related post
https://hongkongvalues.wordpress.com/2009/12/18/hk-high-speed-rail-v-chinese-high-speed-rail/

梁文道: 有人在「反高鐵」嗎?

【明報專訊】寫這篇東西的時候,我人在北京。想起第二天搭機回港,不免就要感到一絲輕微的痛苦。航程3小時半,加上前後的陸路交通,和入關候機的時間,足足就有8個鐘頭那麼多了。我每個月往返北京一趟,每趟來回要在交通上用掉16小時,假如有更快捷更方便的方法,那該有多好呢?不過,要是這個不知為何物的新方法必須耗用大量公帑,甚至還要一些在老家住了幾十年的人連根拔起,我就得想想它到底值不值得了。比如說我這種人所帶來的社會效益和經濟果實能不能惠及所有受到影響的人呢?他們的最後所得又能不能彌補他們將要失去的一切?如果我辯稱那套新的交通方法可以為大家帶來「長遠利益」,我是否有責任說明那究竟是什麼利益,它的分配合不合乎正義原則呢?同時,我的對象還得同意我給出的理據;就算我說得再有道理,只要他們不贊成,我們這群既得利益者也不可能霸王硬上弓吧?

同樣地,如果我能更迅速更舒適地到達廣州,把整個珠三角納入我的「一日生活圈」,上午在廣州中山大學演講,中午和朋友在深圳談項目,下午就能回到香港做節目,這當然也是件好得不行的美事。但為什麼我的生活要比菜園村居民的生活更重要,重要到要他們眦棄家園,好來遷就我想快上一小時的欲望呢?

對於香港公眾來說,直到目前為止的所有支持高鐵政府方案的意見,都只是一堆抽象的模糊名詞。這些名詞都很美好很宏大,但它們的具體所指卻不是人人都能摸得清楚的,更不要提它們根本還沒經過各種正義原則的檢視和辯析了。例如「加速融合」到底是怎麼個融合法?又如「一日生活圈」,是誰需要擴大一日之內的生活半徑?他又能為大家帶來什麼呢?

政府和建制派一直警告大家香港快要被「邊緣化」了,他們說的沒錯。可香港的邊緣化絕對不是因為香港少了一條高鐵,反而恰恰是政府和一群既得利益集團多年來的短視和倒行逆施,死死抱住高地價結構不放,在金融業上孤注一擲,什麼高科技產業和創意工業不是淪為空談就是蛻變為改頭換面的地產項目。有了高鐵,香港的問題就能迎刃而解?用句大白話講,既然你們自己就是香港「邊緣化」的罪魁禍首,你就唔好搵呢句說話鈬「大」我。

妖魔化反對者‧無助解決問題

在這場蒼白的語詞口水戰裏,最常見的一條邏輯就是把支持政府方案等同於「支持興建高鐵」,再把「支持興建高鐵」等同於「支持發展」。於是任何對於政府方案的懷疑和反對意見都莫名其妙地被簡化為「反對興建高鐵」,所以提出這些意見的人也就順理成章地被打成「反對發展」了。因此我們才會看到一些支持政府方案的意見並不是在說明政府方案本身有多好,反而是再三強調高鐵的必要。他們完全忽略了在所謂的「反高鐵陣營」裏面真正堅定反對興建高鐵的,其實只是一部分人,卻一股腦地把所有不同看法全都妖魔化為反對高鐵的反發展憤青。對於那些根本不在原則上反對高鐵的「反政府方案人士」來說,你不厭其煩地講述高鐵的妙處,無異於誤中副車;但對不明就裏的一般讀者而言,那就是混淆視聽,使他們誤以為如今真有這麼一大幫人置香港「長遠福祉」於不顧了。

「發展」總是正面的,所以當表面上是支持高鐵實質上是支持政府方案的意見竊據了「發展」的高地之後,就不只能妖魔化對手,還能催促立法會盡速通過高鐵撥款了。因為「發展」那麼美好,我們又怎能不快快發展呢?

馬家輝兄把這次有關高鐵的爭論比作西九龍文化區事件的再版,理由之一正是當年政府也是未經詳盡的諮詢和公共參與便急推計劃上馬,親建制言論也是照樣把反對人士說成反對「發展」。直到今日,西九龍文化區仍未動工,就有不少人總是以大陸比較,說什麼人家的歌劇院藝術館早已遍地開花,我們的西九仍是荒地一片,藉此譏刺香港的速度之慢效率之低。他們好像看不到大陸那些宏偉的新興場館落成啟用之後留下了多少問題﹕有的管理不善,軟件跟不上硬體;有的變成了富人俱樂部,一般百姓無緣問津;還有的根本就是空洞無物的大白象,徒具裝飾功能。這一切全拜官方急速發展之功。要跟以「發展是硬道理」為圭臬,以速度超人著稱的中國大陸比快,怎麼會是香港該走的道路呢?正是那種「先砸個100億再看划不划算」的心態才造成了今日遺禍重重的三峽工程,難道香港建高鐵還要先丟個 600億再向大家解釋高鐵的種種影響嗎?

更有報道稱政府設計了1小時多的Power Point展演,許多媒體及政壇人士看了都頗受打動。這種新聞真是匪夷所思,彷彿要讀者完全相信記者的感受,他說自己被說服了,讀者也最好跟覑感動。假如政府真有這麼好的展演,它怎麼不在全港19區大開town meeting,讓大家都感動一下呢?

在香港廣受宣傳的武廣高鐵其實已在內地引來一些反思和質疑了。例如發行量第一的《周末畫報》便在1月9日出了一篇題目叫做〈『被高速』﹕效率與公平的選擇〉,它在開頭稱讚「中國又創造了舉世矚目的紀錄」,用無匹於世的效率成了高鐵之後,就毫不客氣地批評「其全程一等票780元人民幣」叫人吃不消,還說「武廣高鐵沿線將停運13對普通列車,更讓不少民眾的心涼了半截」。最後的結論是「一葉知秋,武廣高鐵的『被高速』,讓我們看到中國經濟發展天平的傾斜」。包括《明報》總編輯張健波兄在內的許多「記者」體驗過武廣高鐵之後,都寫下了聲情俱茂的報道;他們怎麼會聽不到這些主流媒體上都見得覑的聲音呢?

香港勝在後悔前就開始質疑

不用米已成炊才反思

香港的真正優勝之處,在於我們還能在後悔之前就開始質疑,用不覑在米已成炊之後才紛紛反思。我們可以在發展之餘思考發展的意義,豐富發展的內涵與面向(保育菜園村為什麼就不能也是一種發展呢?);可以在追求效率之餘不忘公平尋找把長遠利益普潤到每一個人身上的方法。要是我們輕易放棄了這點優勢,在政府仍未徹底公開一切資訊,在市民仍未充分知情完全參與的情下,就用一堆空洞的言辭強推一項大型的基建計劃,那麼香港還叫做香港嗎?那麼我們還不如搬到廣州,反正高鐵通車之後,我可以把香港放在我的「一日生活圈」內,不是嗎?

梁文道

文化評論人

Further REading
高鐵工程或令米埔水位降http://hk.news.yahoo.com/article/090802/4/di3l.html

2009-12-28

新華網北京12月27日電中共中央政治局常委、國務院總理溫家寶(相關)今天下午3時在中南海紫光閣接受新華社記者獨家專訪,就當前經濟形勢、明年經濟工作和其他問題回答記者提問。在回答記者關于在國際金融危機背景下中國該如何搶占科技制高點的問題時,溫總理說,每一次國際金融危機都會帶來一場科技的革命,或者說大的變革。除了發揮諸如像裝備制造業我們傳統的優勢以外,應該大力發展互聯網、綠色經濟、低碳經濟、環保技術、生物醫藥,這些涉及未來環境和人類生活的一些重要領域。

[新華社記者]:我想提的下一個問題是,國際金融危機推動著世界經濟結構的一個大調整。面對搶占科技制高點這樣一個大的競賽,我們中國該怎麼行動?

[溫家寶]:其實到今年9月夏季達沃斯會議期間,全世界應對金融危機應該說已經看到成效了。我曾經講過,最困難的時候已經過去了,世界開始看到一縷曙光,我們應該對未來充滿希望。在應對這場危機當中,因為開始比較緊張,我們集中力量在應對上。到今年下半年,我們開始有時間冷靜地思考一下我們過去應對危機出現的問題,冷靜地思考一下我們的未來。

我們作出了一個判斷,就是每一次國際金融危機都會帶來一場科技的革命或者說大的變革,而決定應對經濟危機取得勝利的關鍵還是在人的智慧和科技的力量。

下半年,我們開始考慮對產業的科技支撐,著手研究培育新的經濟增長點,特別是戰略性新興產業。我記得有一次在無錫中科院物聯網研究所參觀,我在那里遇到一批年輕有為的青年,他們許多是從海外歸來的學子。

他們給我介紹什麼是物聯網,物聯網就是傳感器加互聯網,也就是說通過傳感器可以將互聯網運用到基礎設施和服務產業,它有著廣闊的前景。為此他們起了一個很生動的名字,叫做“感知中國”。我知道世界上都在考慮占領科技的制高點,也就是占領新興產業的制高點,這些才真正決定著一個國家的未來。

為此,我回到北京以後,連續召開三個座談會,有科技、經濟和企業方面的人士參加,來研究中國的戰略性新興產業。大家都感到,除了發揮諸如像裝備制造業等我們傳統的優勢以外,應該大力發展互聯網、綠色經濟、低碳經濟、環保技術、生物醫藥,這些涉及未來環境和人類生活的一些重要領域。

通過這些調查和座談以後,我在北京召開了一次科技界大會,總結和歸納了科技界、產業界、經濟界提出的建議,比較系統地提出了我國戰略性新興產業未來發展的方向。現在這個規劃我們還在擬定當中,我們准備把它同“十二五”規劃緊密地聯系在一起。謝謝你。